United Arab Emirates Refuses to Participate in Gazan Stabilisation Force Without Clear Juridical Structure
Proposals for an international stabilisation force mandated by the United Nations to disarm Hamas in the Gaza Strip are encountering increasing opposition after the UAE stated it will not join due to the absence of a well-defined legal structure.
Growing International Reservations
Israel have already excluded Turkey involvement, and Jordan's King Abdullah has stated that Jordanian troops will not participate. Azerbaijan, previously mooted as a possible contributor, did not attend a planning session in Istanbul and said it would not contribute unless a complete truce was established.
Emirati officials does not yet see a clear framework for the stabilisation mission and under such circumstances will not participate, but will support all political initiatives towards resolution – and stay at the vanguard of humanitarian aid.
Arab Skepticism and Juridical Issues
The Emirati announcement, delivered by diplomatic representative Dr Anwar Gargash at a conference in Abu Dhabi, highlights Arab doubts about the provisions of a US-drafted resolution already distributed to delegates at the UN in NYC. The proposal places an onus on a American-led stabilisation force to be the primary means of ensuring security in Gaza after Israeli forces have withdrawn from the region.
Arab states would like expanded duties to be assigned to a distinct local civilian police force. Global jurisprudence would also forbid foreign troops from deploying into contested Palestine unless there was explicit Palestinian consent; without it, the force could be seen as coercive under UN law, and potentially stabilising an illegal presence.
Local Perspectives and Appeals for Definition
A Palestinian American co-author of the Palestinian armistice plan said: “It is critical that the force be sent not to reinforce the illegal presence, but to enforce global standards and terminate it. The force will work as long as it enters the whole occupied territory, including the occupied territories, at the request of the Palestinian authorities, and has a defined goal to end the occupation within the context of a independent Palestinian state.”
There is no reference to the West Bank in the American proposal, or to a Palestinian state, or a peaceful resolution, a outcome that Israeli leadership rejects.
Ongoing Negotiations and Possible Risks
Detailed talks on the mission mandate, including its leadership structure, started officially on last week in New York, and look likely to be lengthy – risking the emergence of a vacuum in Gaza that may strengthen militant factions.
The United States is suggesting that it command the force although it will not have many personnel involved on the ground. It has already effectively taken control of the distribution of humanitarian aid into the territory from a new logistical hub based in Israel.
Force Objectives and Administrative Function
The proposed US resolution defines the purpose of the security mission as “together with the recently prepared and vetted law enforcement to help secure border areas, secure the safety situation in Gaza by ensuring the process of demilitarising the territory including the elimination and prevention of rebuilding the militant and offensive infrastructure as well as the permanent decommissioning of arms from militant factions”.
The mission, answerable to a “board of peace” chaired by the former US president, and not to the United Nations, would be mandated to use “all necessary measures” to fulfill its goals.
Arab states including Qatar are also concerned that this authority is overly broad, and if Hamas is to disarm, the faction will only do so to local counterparts, likely in the civilian police force, at a moment that, from the Hamas viewpoint, marks the conclusion of occupation.
They also fear the draft mandate spills into giving the mission a administrative function in the territory, a responsibility that was to be reserved for a local expert panel working in cooperation with a reformed local government.
Aid Aspects and Funding Questions
This “interim authority” in Gaza would remain until “the Palestinian Authority has adequately finished its restructuring plan, the satisfaction of which shall be acceptable to the BoP”, the draft says. It also “emphasizes the significance” of full relief in Gaza, including through the UN, the International Committee of the Red Cross, and the humanitarian organizations.
Nonetheless, it allows for the removal of “any group found to have improperly used such aid”. The phrase leaves open the council barring Unrwa, the organization that the global judicial body has said is the legal provider of aid.
International Diplomatic Efforts
France and Saudi Arabia are already advocating for a mention to a Palestinian state to be added in the document. The Saudi crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, is due in the White House on 18 November, and a Saudi foreign ministry official has said that a mention to a independent Palestine is a requirement.
The PA chair, Mahmoud Abbas, held talks with the French president, Emmanuel Macron, in the French capital on this week to review the PA role.
Neither the UN nor the 15-member UNSC are assigned a supervisory role over the stabilisation force, supervising the implementation of the proposal, a point mostly ignored by the draft text. Nothing is specified about the financing of this stabilisation mission, which, according to the Americans, should be largely borne by regional nations, with Saudi Arabia taking the lead.
Israel's Demands and Local Situations
Israel is seeking written guarantees from the United States that it be permitted to emulate the pattern of Lebanon and reserve the right to re-enter the territory if it believes disarmament is not taking place at a scale or speed it requires.
The Israeli proposal was presented to the former US advisor, Donald Trump’s relative, and the American diplomat, Steve Witkoff. The advisor was in Jerusalem on this week to review progress on the ceasefire and Witkoff was due to appear subsequently the same day.
Only the remains of four of the initial 251 captives are still unreturned.
Separately, Israel has been suggesting that the Gaza Strip could still be split in two parts with reconstruction work starting in the Israel occupied parts of the region. International officials insist that this is not part of the Trump plan.